ISSN 1062-7421
Vol. 11 No. 12 (December 2001) pp. 575-579.
RAINBOW RIGHTS: THE ROLE OF LAWYERS AND COURTS IN THE LESBIAN AND GAY CIVIL RIGHTS MOVEMENT by Patricia A.
Cain. Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press, 2000. 316 pp. Cloth $30.00. ISBN: 0-8133-2618-4. Paper $24.00. ISBN: 0-8133-2617-6.
Reviewed by Rebecca Mae Salokar, Department of Political Science, Florida International University.
Ten years ago I decided to include a component on lesbian and gay rights law in an undergraduate course and the
only workable text I could find was the Harvard Law Review's SEXUAL ORIENTATION AND THE LAW (1990). What a difference
a decade makes. RAINBOW RIGHTS joins the growing list of recent
works that describe and analyze the role of law in advancing the rights of lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgendered
peoples in the United States. This study is a valuable addition to the libraries of scholars interested in the
evolution of lesbian and gay rights litigation as well as those doing research and teaching in the areas of civil
rights and constitutional law, judicial federalism, privacy issues, and litigation as a mechanism for social change.
RAINBOW RIGHTS is a historical exploration of federal and state court decisions affecting gay rights in the United
States from 1950 to 2000, written by Patricia A. Cain, professor of law at the University of Iowa. Recognizing
that courts alone cannot effect full social change, Cain posits that litigation and legal activism are important
both as tools in civil rights movements and for individuals who are affected by judicial outcomes whether those
decisions are made by trial or appellate courts at the state or federal level. The author's membership on the board
of directors for Lambda Legal Defense and Education Fund, the national organization that has sought justice for
gays and lesbians, suggests that she knows well the limits and the potential of a national litigation strategy
for rights and that she has sat at the table where decisions over when, where, and how to litigate for social justice
have been made.
RAINBOW RIGHTS is ordered chronologically, but its several themes provide overlays to the book's organizational
structure with the Supreme Court's decision in BOWERS v. HARDWICK (1986) serving as a referential midpoint. One
theme that provides structure is the role of public versus private rights, a distinction that while not unique
to the gay rights movement is certainly central to gay and lesbian issues in a significant way. Another theme involves
comparing and contrasting gay rights litigation with the rights movements for racial and sexual equality. This
comparative analysis is particularly rich early in the first chapter where Cain discusses
litigation by the earlier movements, and in her concluding thoughts with respect to the success of the sameness/difference
arguments (like persons should be treated similarly by the law/the law ought to respect the uniqueness of individuals
or groups). Finally, Cain also weaves into the text her analysis of legal principles that impact the rights of
lesbians and gays like equal protection, due process, and fundamental freedoms.
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Chapter One provides an overview of the legal history for racial equality and women's rights. Because these earlier
movements confronted decisions over making sameness/differences arguments and navigated between public and private
rights, Cain argues that their experiences are instructive to subsequent movements. More important, however, court
decisions spawned by the earlier movements have shaped the way in which rights arguments are made today in both
positive as well as less promising ways. She looks closely at the doctrines of state action, suspect classifications,
associational rights, and privacy and sexual intimacy issues as areas of law that have already been influenced
by the women's and racial equality movements.
In Chapter Two, Cain engages in a cursory discussion of public interest lawyering and describes the organizations
that crafted much of the legal strategy for the earlier movements, the Legal Defense Fund of the NAACP and the
Women's Rights Project of the American Civil Liberties Union. The focal point of the chapter, however, is on the
history of the organizations that have sponsored much of the litigation for gay rights, Lambda Legal Defense and
Education Fund, the National Center for Lesbian Rights and the ACLU. Despite a chapter title that includes "litigation
strategies," Cain provides little insight to the lawyer's craft of deciding which cases will merit direct
sponsorship or an amicus brief, the struggles that surely must occur between organizations working on similar agendas,
the intellectual
brainstorming necessary to think through the next three litigation steps, or the organizational reaction when a
case is filed with less-than-optimal fact patterns or prematurely by an "outside" party.
Gay rights and related claims litigated between 1950 and 1985 are the focus of the next three chapters. Using the
private/public distinction to organize the various areas of litigation, Cain devotes a chapter each to public rights,
private rights, and to cases that span the "public/private divide." The public rights chapter is a comprehensive
review of some of the earliest gay rights cases. It includes a discussion of cases that are often overlooked by
those who study gay law-cases that stemmed from incidents involving gay bars. Cain's parallels between the battle
for racial equality and gay rights might unsettle some, but her appraisal that bars provided the political space
for the lesbian and gay community much like the black churches did for the first rights movement is a fair assessment.
And theconnections between the lunch counter sit-ins and the "sip-ins" in New York City during the mid-1960s
suggest that rights movements learn from each other in all sorts of way. The public rights chapter is extensive
and also includes cases on gay rights at universities and high schools, as well as an analysis of litigation in
the area of employment rights.
The early private rights cases examined include those that involved sodomy, solicitation, lewd and lascivious conduct
charges, and claims to family rights that have regularly been recognized by courts as privacy issues (child custody,
parental termination and parental rights). Cain's focus on the importance of sodomy laws to the lesbian and gay
community is enriched by her use of the private rights lens and it pushes the scholarly discussion beyond the difficult
quagmires of morality and sex. The final chapter of this trilogy examines the intersection of private and public
rights with respect to the gay relationship. Cases involving marriage laws, the public
policy implications that result when government fails to recognize
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the gay relationship, and the strategy of adult adoptions (used by gay couples to circumvent unfavorable inheritance
laws) are the fodder of early private matters that found their way into the public realm.
A short chapter on the BOWERS case includes a discussion of the factual background and legal issues germane to
the case. There is little new information here but the chapter is a segue to more contemporary gay rights cases
and yet another sub-text to the study, Cain's assessment of the impact of the BOWERS decision on subsequent rulings.
In parallel with the first half of the book, the next three chapters contain an analysis of public and private
rights, and the intersection of private and public on relationship issues in BOWERS' shadow. Of special interest
in the public rights chapter is Cain's discussion of the conduct versus status distinction and her
analysis of the Supreme Court's decision in ROMER v. EVANS (1996). The private rights chapter includes a comprehensive
update on state sodomy statutes and the continuing battles in state courts over child custody disputes. Marriage
and domestic partnership laws, especially the Hawaii and Vermont cases, are at the heart of the final substantive
chapter that examines the intersection of private and public rights.
The conclusion to RAINBOW RIGHTS is valuable for its analysis of the future of the gay rights litigation agenda.
Cain carefully dissects the successes and failures to achieve change through legal action, and maps out four obstacles
that confront the movement. First, Cain argues that unlike their predecessors, the gay rights movement has not
yet earned the basic respect of the American legal system. Consider that not even the "separate but equal"
argument of PLESSY v. FERGUSON (1896) has been adopted as a minimum standard by the nation's courts for the treatment
of gay persons in America. A second obstacle is the Supreme Court's resistance to enlarging the umbrella of suspect
classifications using the equal protection clause. Cain suggests that activists should instead invoke arguments
rooted in
fundamental rights, an area of law more likely to be successful with the current Court. Third, the unwillingness
of the current Court to expand equal protection combined with its increasing recognition of state sovereignty in
national-state disputes means that rights arguments may have to be made in state courts for the foreseeable future.
Finally, Cain takes up the current anthem of the gay rights movement: the closet door must be opened even wider.
Gay men and lesbians must "make the private more public" (p. 286) by sharing their humanity, their feelings
and their relationships broadly because in the end the law and legal decisions find their way into the public space.
Positive social change cannot take place in courts alone; the court of public opinion must also be persuaded.
RAINBOW RIGHTS is like a hearty stew served at the end of a winter day--a pot full of meat and vegetables that
produce a rich flavor together, but with nuggets that you can pull out and chew on for a time. The book is clearly
the result of many years of data collection, scholarly discussion and endless hours of organizational torment.
How does one tell the story of gay rights litigation in a way that makes sense thematically and yet reaches beyond
the legal audience? Cain's efforts are commendable. RAINBOW RIGHTS is a robust and comprehensive text. Its value,
even for those versed in gay rights litigation, is the orderly lens that Cain brings to the cases, the legal arguments
and the public-private intersections of law in gay rights. The narrative style enlivens the cases and
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makes it accessible to an educated and interested audience beyond the legal profession. It would easily work in
an advanced undergraduate constitutional law course or a class that focuses on gay and lesbian politics.
RAINBOW RIGHTS does leave the law and politics scholar wishing for more-and for less. First, Professor Cain's desire
to reach that broader audience, her comprehensive review of gay rights cases and the several substantive themes
that course the text dilutes the impact of this work. Is this a book about the history of gay rights litigation
or a book about the effect of BOWERS on gay rights? Or should RAINBOW RIGHTS be seen as a comparative analysis
of interest group litigation, tactics and strategies? Alternatively, one might also pick the book up for its focus
on public and private rights or for its analysis of civil rights law or judicial
federalism. By attempting to weave in so many themes, the book loses some of the force it might have had as a more
focused work. That is not to say that these themes are unworthy of exploration; each is important to our understanding
of gay rights litigation but for somewhat different reasons. I suspect that the author's engagement with the subject
is so rich that it was difficult to leave any stone unturned. Ultimately, there is material for two or three hard-hitting
works imbedded between the covers of RAINBOW RIGHTS. It was an art of scholarship to weave them together in one
text.
The effort to produce a comprehensive work on gay rights litigation means, however, that some themes are not fully
developed. As noted earlier, the most significant disappointment is with the chapter on public interest lawyering
and interest group litigation. The comparison between the movement for racial equality and gay rights also begs
for attention. Gay rights activists readily use the comparison and it is one that has merited public attention
and in some cases, public scorn. But few have examined the assumptions underlying this enterprise-how is sexual
orientation alike and different from race when it comes to legal, political or social matters. Cain makes some
efforts to move in this direction in her conclusion, but the assumption of sameness-similar movements seeking similar
rights-has already been made. We need to think more deeply about the comparison with the race and gender movements,
the political and legal value of the comparison, and the limits such a framework unwittingly imposes on our opportunities
for the advancement of social justice.
RAINBOW RIGHTS is a substantial piece of scholarship that belongs in the libraries of those who are interested
in civil rights. Cain's professional and personal investment in rights-work brings a valuable perspective to the
text. As she explains, "I am looking for legal arguments that are transformative, that can bring us to that
place over the rainbow where even bluebirds fly, and I am not the least bit interested in legal arguments that
are not capable, in the end, of bringing us all there-black,
white, brown, every color, male, female, able-bodied or not, rich or poor, English-speaking or not, gay, nongay,
bisexual, and transgendered" (p. 3). While the end of that rainbow has not yet been found in the courtrooms
or legislatures of the states or national government, RAINBOW RIGHTS might just spark the scholarly imagination
of someone who can move us, as a nation, just a bit further along to the pot of gold (read "equality and justice
for all") promised by the U. S. Constitution.
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REFERENCES:
BOWERS v. HARDWICK 478 U.S. 186 (1986).
Harvard Law Review. 1990. SEXUAL ORIENTATION AND THE LAW. Cambridge, MA.: Harvard University Press.
PLESSY v. FERGUSON, 163 U.S. 537 (1896).
ROMER v. EVANS, 517 U.S. 620 (1996).
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Copyright 2001 by the author, Rebecca Mae Salokar.