Vol. 3 No. 2 (February, 1993) pp. 7-8
RIGHTS TALK: THE IMPOVERISHMENT OF POLITICAL DISCOURSE by Mary
Ann Glendon. (New York: The Free Press, 1991. Pp.218. $22.95
hardcover).
Reviewed by John Anthony Maltese, University of Georgia.
In her wonderfully readable book, RIGHTS TALK, Mary Ann Glendon
argues that Americans have a propensity to translate nearly every
social controversy into a clash of rights. She further argues
that the rhetoric used to describe those clashes is one that
stresses both hyperindividualism at the expense of social
responsibility and an absolutist formulation of rights at the
expense of compromise. She concludes that this "American
rights dialect" is different from that of other liberal
democracies, and that it "promotes unrealistic expectations,
heightens social conflict, and inhibits dialogue"; moreover,
it fosters "a climate that is inhospitable to society's
losers" (p.14). In short, Glendon argues that America is the
land of the "lone rights bearer" -- "helmetless
and free on the open road" (p. 46) -- who treats rights as
entitlements and who uses them as the ultimate weapon: a trump
against opponents in which the "winner takes all and the
loser has to get out of town" (p.9).
Glendon argues that our American rights dialect was strongly
influenced by the language and images of John Locke as relayed in
"the genial, garbled, and simplified version of
Blackstone" (p.24). Through them, Americans latched onto
property as the prototypical natural right -- "the cardinal
symbol of individual freedom and independence" (p.24). In
contrast, the European rights dialect reflected the rather
different view of property espoused by Jean-Jacques Rousseau who,
by pointing out "the relationship of property to
selfishness, greed, power, and violence...painted a serpent in
the midst of Locke's garden of peaceful labor" (p.33).
Drawing on the classical and the Biblical, Rousseau stressed that
notions of community and public good override property rights.
Thus, while the American view of property led to an
"exaggerated absoluteness" in our rights rhetoric
(reflected in the Supreme Court's conception of property rights
from the late 1800s through the 1930s, and in its more recent
approach to individual rights), Europeans have been more wary of
absolute formulations of rights. Moreover, modern European laws
and constitutions couple rights with explicit responsibilities
for its citizens (p.103). In contrast, the language of
responsibility is all but missing from the vocabulary of American
public discourse.
For Glendon, our simplistic and exaggerated rights talk and our
virtually nonexistent responsibility talk reflects the
impoverishment of our political discourse. The result is "a
verbal caricature of our culture" that "captures our
devotion to individualism and liberty, but omits our traditions
of hospitality and care for the community" (p.xii). Our
approach to the abortion issue is a prime example. In the United
States it is "typically framed as pitting two interests
against each other in an all-or-nothing contest: the right to
life of the fetus against the pregnant woman's right to privacy
and self-determination" (p.64). As she does frequently in
the book, Glendon contrasts other countries' approaches to the
issue. With regard to abortion, she finds the legal solutions of
Canada and the former West Germany to be more attractive than
ours. In part, that may reflect Glendon's predilection for
leaving the issue to the ordinary legislative and political
process (where compromise solutions are supposedly easier to
fashion). But Glendon's more compelling argument is that pregnant
women in the United States -- especially poor, pregnant women --
are left with "their constitutional right to privacy and
little else. Meager social support for maternity and child
raising, and the absence of public funding for abortions in many
jurisdictions,...leave such women largely isolated in their
privacy" (p.65). Quite simply, our preoccupation with rights
as an end in themselves is insufficient to solve our social
problems. Few can argue with that. But while our rights talk
reflects that preoccupation (and may help to induce it), it is by
no means clear that a richer discourse on the abortion issue
would lead to significantly better results, nor is it necessarily
the case that compromise is always a better solution than more
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absolute formulations of rights.
In her discussion of BOWERS V. HARDWICK (pp.151-58), Glendon
points out that, again, the right to privacy was couched in
all-or-nothing terms with "every one of the opinion
writers" assuming that "if a right were involved, there
was virtually no state interest that could prevail against
it" (p.157). Thus, in his majority opinion, Justice Byron
White denied that Michael Hardwick had any protection from laws
criminalizing certain forms of consensual sexual conduct (even in
the privacy of his bedroom) because the Constitution does not
provide "'a fundamental right to engage in homosexual
sodomy"' (p.151). White did not, however, explain how
"homosexual activity between consenting adults is less
'private' than the clinic abortion of a well-developed
fetus" that was permitted by the Court in previous cases,
nor "why the majority balked at setting aside the
obsolescent sodomy laws of half the states, when earlier privacy
decisions had struck down even quite modern abortion laws in
virtually all of them" (p.156).
Still, it is not so much the outcome in BOWERS that Glendon
disagrees with, as it is the way the Court reached the outcome. A
more thoughtful, tempered opinion couched in a more clearly
articulated concept of the right to privacy would have made the
same outcome more palatable and less divisive. Glendon compares
the BOWERS decision with a similar case decided by the European
Court in DUDGEON V. THE UNITED KINGDOM, and finds the
"cryptic" BOWERS opinions to be lacking in comparison.
For Glendon, what is missing from the BOWERS majority is not only
thoughtful and persuasive judicial reasoning, but a sense of
community and compassion. As she puts it: "The more
searching and tentative style of the European Court, its open
wrestling with the weaknesses as well as the strengths of the
positions it eventually took in DUDGEON, gives winners fewer
grounds for gloating and leaves the losers less reason to feel
angry and alienated" (p.155).
It is that sense of responsibility to community -- "the
missing dimension of sociality," as she puts it -- that
seems to trouble Glendon the most throughout her book. Put
differently, she is concerned that MORALITY is a missing
component in the law (pp.86-87). For instance, Glendon goes to
some length to criticize the way courts have articulated the
no-duty-to-rescue rule of tort and, more recently, constitutional
law (pp.76-98). Here (as elsewhere), Glendon stresses the role of
courts as teachers, and laments their failure to inculcate basic
social values. But WHOSE values? For Glendon, the primary values
seem to be responsibility and compromise. To others, the value
could just as easily be the protection of the unborn fetus, the
privacy of its mother, or the right of Michael Hardwick to be let
alone in the most intimate aspect of human relationships. Could
it be that Glendon perceives our rights dialect to be even more
shrill than it really is because she is singing in a different
key? Glendon is careful to say in her conclusion that merely
"refining the rhetoric of rights -- if such a thing could be
done -- would hardly remedy all the ills that currently beset
American culture and politics," but she insists that
language, "with its powerful channeling effects on thought,
is centrally implicated in our dilemma and in our prospects for
surmounting it" (p.172). With Supreme Court opinions being
distributed and discussed more and more widely through media
accounts, Glendon argues that the justices have a duty more than
ever to demonstrate judicial virtue in their role as pedagogues
(p.155). It is her hope that opinions in the style of DUDGEON
would have a trickle-down effect on the way the media and other
opinion-leaders discuss rights, thereby leading to more
widespread changes in our political community.
RIGHTS TALK is a timely book that artfully draws upon comparative
law, political theory, and sociology to construct a thoughtful
critique of our contemporary rights dialect. Through masterful
storytelling and thoughtful argument, Glendon challenges us to
rethink our conceptions of rights and the role of courts. This
book is well worth reading and pondering and is particularly
suited for clasxsroom discussion.
Copyright 1993